In the brick industry, contractors are hired to bring in labor from distant locations. These workers are not considered employees of the kiln owner and therefore do not fall under the protection of current labor laws, including the Minimum Wages Act.
Short-term migration is common among brick-kiln workers, with around 24% of current migrant workers having undertaken short-term migration before. This trend is more common among male migrant workers (30%) than female workers (21%). Most brick kiln migration in India takes the form of short-term mobility of less than six months. Although many rural-to-rural migrants return to their villages after the brick season, some continue intermittently as migrants, looking for other occupations.
The presence of migrant workers in the brick kiln industry varies based on the proximity of the district to a large city. Districts with million-plus cities have a higher percentage of migrant workers in brick kilns than those located further away. This trend contributes to the expansion of brick kilns in urban areas. Moreover, the proportion of migrant workers in brick kilns is higher than that of non-farm workers in rural areas. Approximately half of the migrant brick-kiln workers are located in rural areas around million-plus cities, while only 19.6% of non-farm rural workers are located in those areas.
The movement of migrant workers between different brick kilns is not necessarily a choice-based decision. For instance, a case study of UP showed that a worker may be hesitant to return to a previous kiln because they didn’t understand the owner’s wage policies and may instead opt for an advance from a different kiln’s agent. However, despite switching kilns, the worker’s underlying debt remains unchanged, and they feel compelled to migrate each year to repay the debt. This means that the freedom of movement between different kilns is illusory, and workers are constrained by the need to repay their debts. During the production season, the frequency of worker movement between their home and the kiln is also restricted.
Unemployment
Over the last several decades, the region of Bundelkhand has experienced multiple compounding crises – including the loss of agricultural employment (including the move of many families out of intergenerationally-bonded agricultural labour), climate change and drought, which have contributed to the severe lack of employment opportunities locally. Large swaths of the working population in the region cannot rely on the local rural economy to sustain them throughout the year, forcing them to move and engage in multiple precarious jobs across the informal economy.
How did you get this work? Who helped you to get this work?
“It was not help but we were compelled. We took advance money from the contractor and from it paid our debt at home. And now we are working here.” [Interviewee 99]
In India, the labor market continues to be plagued by significant inequalities that are deeply rooted in group affiliations and class and caste distinctions. The 2014 India Labor and Employment Report suggests that despite increased mobility, the labor market remains highly segmented based on various factors such as employment type, sector, location, region, gender, caste, or religion. But even in this fragmented labour market, the working population cannot rely on the local rural economy to retain them throughout the year, forcing them to move and engage in multiple precarious jobs across the informal economy. According to the National Sample Survey Office of India, agricultural employment decreased by 10% between 2004-05 and 2011-12, whereas rural non-farm employment increased, with construction and brick kilns being the primary absorbers of this surplus labour.
“… we can go for work only if we migrate. If we are facing a difficult situation, then…even if we don’t have work, every human being has expenditures. For that we have to go out. We take advance [from the contractor] beforehand, something like Rs.2,000/4,000/10,000 and then we have to go for work. We have to take care of our family and kids.” [Interviewee 45]
” We are planning to stop working at the kiln. We really can’t do it. We haven’t cleared our debt yet. If I had my way, we wouldn’t have come here. But I can’t make decisions. My husband talks about his parents being bonded farm labourers for upper caste farmers.“ [Gaura]
Debt and credit arrangements in the village
In the state of Uttar Pradesh, not unlike other parts of India, contractors – typically called Jamadars in this region – are often hired to bring in labour from distant locations. These workers are not considered employees of the kiln owner and therefore do not fall under the protection of current labor laws, including the Minimum Wages Act. Often tied to migrating families through kinship or community networks, contractors are a central facet of the social infrastructure through which migrant labour recruitment and control take place.
Short-term, seasonal migration – often in the dry season from September until March – is common among brick kiln workers.
Sources
Migration to Brick Kilns In India: An Appraisal →
Roadmap for Promoting Resource Efficient Bricks in India: A 2032 Strategy →
Labour Market Dynamics & Industrial Relations in Brick Kiln Industry →
Challenges & Issues in the Indian Brick Sector →